Richard Carver writes:
I sat down this week to write a blog post about the new UK Torture Prohibition Network – an important topic, but one that will now have to
wait until the New Year. (I am, however, illustrating this post with a picture
from the public forum that followed the launch of the network in London last
month.) The reason for changing topic was an extremely important judgment this
week in the High Court in London. Mr Justice Leggatt found in favour of four
claimants who alleged that they had been ill-treated by British troops during
the occupation of Iraq.
Last year, Lisa Handley and I published our book on torture prevention, which included a case study of the United Kingdom. The UK actually
offers a generally positive lesson. Thirty years or so ago, torture, if not
rife in the British criminal justice system, was certainly more than
occasional, while less severe forms of ill-treatment were widespread. This picture
has been changed as a result of radical reform, most importantly major improvements in criminal procedure and changes in interviewing techniques.
There are now duty solicitors in police stations and all interviews are
electronically recorded. Much less reliance is placed on confession evidence.
This is all backed up by an effective system for monitoring detention and
imprisonment and, of course, peace and fundamental police reform in Northern
Ireland.
The big exception to this generally positive picture has
been the behaviour of British forces operating outside our borders, notably in
Iraq and Afghanistan. Although offshore places of military detention should be subject to a similar
monitoring regime, in practice they are not. The notorious “five techniques” of
sensory deprivation, used by the British army in Northern Ireland in the 1970s
and ostensibly prohibited after that, resurfaced in Iraq. This first came to attention in
the case of Baha Moussa, the Basra hotel receptionist beaten to death by
British troops.
The four cases decided by the High Court this week are the
first “lead cases” out of several hundred similar claims of ill-treatment by Iraqi
civilians who were detained by British forces. Mr Justice Leggatt ordered the Ministry
of Defence to pay compensation to the four men for treatment that included forced
nudity, sexual humiliation, cigarette burns, sleep deprivation, and hooding. In
one case, troops had run over the backs of detainees. The treatment “involved
the gratuitous infliction of pain and amusement for the amusement of those who humiliated
them.”
The claims were grounded on the twin legal bases of English
common law and the Human Rights Act (which is the enactment of the European
Convention on Human Rights into British law). Mr Justice Leggatt found that the
men’s Convention rights had been violated, but also made repeated references to
the military’s breaches of their obligations under the Geneva Conventions and
international humanitarian law (or the law of armed conflict). The British
government has suggested that in future conflicts it will derogate from the
European Convention, so that it is not obliged to respect the human rights of
civilians (or indeed of British personnel). This is legally illiterate – it is
not possible in any circumstances to derogate from Article 3 of the Convention,
which protects against torture and other ill-treatment. However, this case is a
reminder that it is also somewhat beside the point, since the Geneva
Conventions embody basic standards of humane behaviour – including torture prohibition
– precisely in situations of armed conflict.
While these cases – and possibly more to come – offer the
prospect of some limited financial redress for the victims, they do not bring
accountability of those responsible. However, there is some positive news on
that front too. The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court recently announced progress in the preliminary investigation of a large number of cases of
alleged ill-treatment by British personnel in Iraq, concluding that there is a “reasonable
basis” to believe that they committed “war crimes” including murder, torture, outrages upon personal dignity, and rape or other forms of sexual violence.

No comments:
Post a Comment